Weekly Update #161
March 31, 2025
March 31, 2025
Refugees from Ukraine recorded across Europe
6,372,500
Last updated March 20 2025
Covers those granted refugee status, temporary asylum status, temporary protection, or statuses through similar national protection schemes, as well as those recorded in the country under other forms of stay
Refugees from Ukraine recorded beyond Europe
560,200
Last updated March 20 2025
Covers those granted refugee status, temporary asylum status, temporary protection, or statuses through similar national protection schemes, as well as those recorded in the country under other forms of stay
Refugees from Ukraine recorded globally
6,932,700
Last updated March 20 2025
Estimated number of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Ukraine (as of February 2025)
3,7 million
Source: UNHCR collation of statistics made available by the authorities
Humanitarian Response Update
(January-February 2025)
The first two months of 2025 saw continued attacks across Ukraine, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of civilians and injuries to nearly 1,300 others.
Anticipated nationwide blackouts were avoided due to a milder-than-expected winter and government measures such as electricity imports from neighbouring countries.
The war continued to disrupt critical health-care services, with health facilities increasingly impacted by attacks.
Strikes on schools and kindergartens continued, preventing children from returning to regular classes.
As fighting intensified, more residents of front-line communities were forced to flee.
The announcement of funding suspensions by key donors in January led humanitarian actors to scale back or pause the provision of some programming.
Source: OCHA
When Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Ukrainian civil society organizations (CSOs) and informal volunteer groups quickly became the backbone of the country’s humanitarian response. In the critical first three months of the war – before international actors could significantly mobilize – local actors efficiently delivered nearly all humanitarian aid, leveraging their deep community ties, agility, and on-the-ground expertise. Established Ukrainian CSOs and more than 1,700 spontaneous volunteer groups organized innovative, grassroots-driven efforts, underscoring the capability and resilience of Ukraine’s civil society. However, despite their early effectiveness, local groups soon faced marginalization as the international humanitarian architecture expanded and began to push them aside.
Responding to this marginalization and building on years of advocacy for greater local leadership in the aid sector, 16 leading Ukrainian CSOs publicly formed the Alliance of Ukrainian CSOs (the Alliance) in September 2023. Driven by frustration over ongoing power imbalances and a desire to strengthen local leadership, the Alliance established itself as a unified voice advocating for genuine, locally led reform.
Its foundational Manifesto emphasized the urgent need for structured, sustainable, and inclusive humanitarian responses, equitable partnerships with international stakeholders, and an expanded role for Ukrainian CSOs beyond emergency aid, including recovery, development, and civil defense.
Throughout its first year, the Alliance built significant credibility and momentum, including within the wider CSO community and with the Ukrainian government. It was further bolstered by the support of several donors, the Humanitarian Coordinator (HC) for Ukraine, and international advocates. These relationships and its initial “start-up” approach to advocacy (collaborative not confrontational) enabled some early successes, including a partial exemption from military conscription for humanitarian workers, the endorsement of the Alliance’s localization strategy by the UN-led Humanitarian Country Team (HCT), and progressively deeper reforms in favor of local and national CSOs at the largest country-based pooled fund in the world, the Ukraine Humanitarian Fund (UHF). At the same time, Alliance members continued to pool their extensive operational expertise – earned through the direct experience of wartime aid delivery – to plan and advocate for a truly inclusive response architecture. Four principles guided their path: (1) maintaining a relatively small but diverse membership; (2) employing flexible, consensus-based governance structures; (3) bridging humanitarian action with early recovery efforts and reconstruction; and (4) engaging international partners on equitable terms.
Entering 2025, the Alliance expanded its staffing and established specialized working groups in areas including research coordination, humanitarian architecture, due diligence, locally led pooled funds, and cash programs. This strengthened internal structure ensures the Alliance is well-equipped to guide the humanitarian response amid sharp anticipated reductions in international aid, supporting greater solidarity, coordination, and resource-sharing among Ukrainian CSOs at a time when local leadership will again be front and center. Humanitarians in general are particularly worried that the aid sector may soon see a chaotic, harmful version of localization through brute force i.e. a sudden cutoff of foreign aid that leads to the ending of work by international organizations and the destruction of many of the partnership networks and coordination structures that have helped incubate a substantial increase in strong, humanitarian-focused Ukrainian CSOs.
In this moment of great uncertainty, effective localization and power-shifting efforts are more critical than ever to optimize the distribution of diminishing humanitarian aid. The Alliance’s experience offers valuable insights for how locally led coalitions can drive such vital reforms. While it is true that Ukraine’s robust civil society, high international visibility and support, and aspiration for European integration have all provided fertile ground for local leadership, Ukraine should not be seen as an outlier. Many contexts and countries possess or can cultivate some of the most important enabling conditions – strong CSO networks, donor receptiveness, and supportive governance structures – that can lay the basis for a locally led response to thrive.This report details key moments and takeaways from the Alliance’s young history, especially as lived by its founding members and supporters. It also provides recommendations that can help guide how other locally led coalitions – and their international supporters – might coalesce to drive vital reforms in aid responses elsewhere that are no less deserving of fundamental change.
Recommendations
To Locally Led Coalitions:
Prioritize Trust in CSO Coalition Building. Founding members should dedicate sufficient time to building trust between members as early as possible sincethe startup phase of any new coalition is an especially fraught period where disputes and disagreements can take hold, undermining momentum.
Allow Time for Organic Growth But Invest Early In Staffing. Sustainable coalition building takes time, but this is necessary for members to learn to work between organizations, interests, and viewpoints – to truly become an alliance that can more formally organize itself, take on new members, and advocate for even deeper reforms. One aspect that should not be delayed: adequate staffing as early as possible to respond to multiple stakeholders that all want to be treated with priority at the outset.
Ensure Diverse Representation While Incorporating Established CSOs. Well-established CSOs help build initial “trust capital,” but smaller CSOs representing diverse segments of the aid landscape play a vital role in balancing the voices of larger organizations. Measures such as rotational steering committee membership, designated seats for smaller CSOs, and a transparent secretariat structure can all help promote equitable decision-making.
Explore a Collaborative Rather Than Confrontational Approach in the “Startup” Stage, and Build Relations With Government Authorities. In the Ukrainian context, a collaborative approach with INGOs and UN actors, some of which were initially skeptical or even fearful of the Alliance’s push for localization reforms, allowed the Alliance to allay concerns and produce a supportive overall environment for staking out its leadership position. Governments can play powerful roles – negatively or positively – in the CSO sector, so early assessment – and then possibly engagement – can help CSOs shape the outcome, an aspect that becomes even more important when international support wanes.
Advocate Strongly For Representation Across Relevant National and International Forums. Locally led coalitions should actively engage in internationally led forums that shape policies and funding mechanisms affecting their countries. Seats at global platforms and national ones like the Humanitarian Country Team, the Board of the UHF, and donor working groups assert local and national expertise, priorities, and operational realities while opposing top-down approaches that may not align with local needs.
Expand the Scope of Locally- ed Coalitions Beyond the Emergency Response. Locally led coalitions formed around humanitarian aid should consider extending their influence to encompass recovery, development, and civil defense. By actively shaping these sectors, coalitions can better ensure that local priorities drive long-term resilience and reconstruction efforts. Moreover, this strategic expansion enhances coalition durability, allowing it to remain relevant and influential long after immediate crises subside.
To INGOs and International Supporters:
Uphold Local Leadership in International Partnerships. International support is important for locally led coalitions, but it must be carefully managed to avoid overshadowing local leadership. INGOs and donors bring resources and influence, yet their voices should amplify – not replace – those of local coalitions. Regular coordination meetings, open dialogue, and intentional restraint help ensure that international actors reinforce, rather than dictate, local priorities.
Promote and Advocate for Localization Across Different Contexts: INGOs engaged in one response (like Ukraine) should take the lessons learned and advocate in the broader humanitarian system for change. This means sharing constructive localization experiences in global forums, essentially saying: it’s working here with these approaches; let’s see how it can work elsewhere.
Maintain an Inclusive NGO Forum Beyond Emergencies. To ensure long-term coordination and local leadership, an inclusive NGO forum (or platform) should be sustained beyond crisis periods as long as there is a possibility of an emergency at scale recurring. The absence of a well-structured NGO forum in Ukraine in 2022 contributed to inefficiencies and marginalization in international aid efforts.
Ensure Sustained Donor Support for Locally Led Coalitions. Donors play a crucial role in the sustainability and autonomy of locally led coalitions. Strategic support from entities like USAID, FCDO, and the Swiss Development Agency enabled the strong formation and relatively fast growth of the Alliance of Ukrainian CSOs. However, funding must go beyond short-term aid and include flexible, multi-year financing that empowers local coalitions to lead responses and build long-term capacity.
Institutionalize Power-Shifting Reforms While Centering Local Leadership. Beyond financial support, donors and international agencies must actively implement power-shifting reforms and institutionalize local leadership in decision-making – both in support of a locally led coalition and to improve the aid response generally. The Humanitarian Coordinator (HC) in Ukraine, Denise Brown, played a pivotal role in advocating for Ukrainian CSOs within the international humanitarian system, notably through reforms in the Ukraine Humanitarian Fund (UHF), data sharing, and the central role given to the Alliance in developing a localization strategy. Similar efforts should be replicated globally, ensuring that structural changes happen alongside local CSOs and coalitions gaining formal seats at decision-making tables.
Source: RI
The sound of water flowing from a tap should be ordinary, not a luxury. Nevertheless, for hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians, such a familiar everyday thing as water in their own homes has become a reminder of a past that did not have a war. The eastern Ukrainian city of Sloviansk and its residents are a vivid example of this.
In the summer of 2024, Sloviansk faced a severe water crisis. Russia’s shelling destroyed the city's infrastructure, leaving families without water for over 3 months. Residents relied on bottled water or long walks to wells, turning a basic necessity into a daily struggle.
Thanks to the European Union and UNICEF, Sloviansk’s main water and sanitation networks have been reconstructed, restoring a stable water supply to almost 100,000 residents. Families here no longer have to choose between cooking, washing, or bathing their children.
In the summer of 2024, major repairs have been completed on the outskirts of Sloviansk. In the midst of a sunflower field, workers from the local water utility installed a new pipeline that will boost the city's water supply capacity by 30% to reach an additional 30,000 people.
By 2024, nearly half of the city's water equipment was in desperate need of replacement. To support the necessary repairs and upgrades, the European Union and UNICEF provided funds to the water utility.
Sources: ECHO, UNICEF
The humanitarian consequences of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine are severe and the need for assistance is enormous. In light of this, the Norwegian Government has decided to provide a total of NOK 3 billion in humanitarian support to Ukraine and to the refugee response in Ukraine’s neighbouring countries in 2025.
‘Russia’s attacks on civilian infrastructure, electricity supplies, hospitals, schools and homes have continued with full force, and more and more Ukrainians are being forced to evacuate or flee their homes every day. At a time when international humanitarian financing for Ukraine is declining, Norway will continue to be a reliable donor to efforts to protect the civilian population and save lives,’ said Minister of Foreign Affairs Espen Barth Eide.
The funding is part of the 12.5 billion kroner that Norway is providing in civil aid to Ukraine and Moldova in 2025. The funding will be channelled through established humanitarian organisations such as UN organisations, the International Red Cross and Red Cresent Movement, and Norwegian and international NGOs. Priority is being given to providing protection and humanitarian aid in the form of shelter, food, water and sanitation, electricity and heating, education, health care and psychosocial support to millions of displaced people and other Ukrainians in vulnerable situations. The funding will also be used for measures to combat sexual violence and for mine clearance operations.
‘It is crucial for us to draw on Ukraine’s own expertise and experience, while also working to strengthen existing societal functions in Ukraine. I am pleased that many of our humanitarian partners are cooperating more closely both with the Ukrainian authorities and with Ukrainian civil society. This will help us to achieve better results,’ said Mr Eide.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) is a key partner for Norway in delivering humanitarian assistance in Ukraine. During my visit today, together with representatives of the Ukrainian authorities, I have seen first-hand how the UNHCR is using Norwegian funding to provide help to people in Kharkiv whose homes have been destroyed,’ said Mr Eide, who is visiting Ukraine this week.
In the period 2022 to 2024, Norway provided a total of NOK 8.45 billion in humanitarian support to Ukraine and to the refugee response in neighbouring countries. The humanitarian funding is being provided under the multi-year Nansen Support Programme for Ukraine.
The Nansen Support Programme for Ukraine was launched on 16 February 2023 by the parliamentary leaders, the Norwegian Prime Minister and Minister of Finance, and Ukrainian President Zelensky. The support programme has been endorsed by all the political parties in the Storting (Norwegian parliament) and includes both military and civilian support. The support programme will run until the end of 2030 and, following a number of additional allocations, now has an overall funding framework of NOK 205 billion.
Allocation of funds
UN humanitarian response in Ukraine and refugee response in Moldova: 1.435 billion kroner:
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Ukraine: 140 million kroner
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) in Ukraine and Moldova: 25 million kroner
Norwegian and international humanitarian organizations: 773 million kroner
Directorate for Civil Protection and Emergency Planning (DSB) and the Armed Forces' support for medical evacuation of Ukrainian patients and Norwegian goods assistance through the EU's civil protection mechanism: 350 million kroner
Source: Govt. of Norway
Emmanuel Macron has warned that Russia still shows a “desire for war” despite efforts towards a ceasefire as European leaders including Volodymyr Zelenskyy meet in Paris on Thursday to discuss how Europe might offer Kyiv security guarantees in the event of a lasting truce. Macron said Russia had tried to impose “new conditions” and not responded to a 30-day general ceasefire offered by Ukraine “without preconditions”. He praised Kyiv for having “taken the risk of peace”.
Thursday’s gathering brings together leaders from the so-called “coalition of the willing” – a British-French-led group of countries considering deploying peacekeeping troops to Ukraine should a ceasefire be reached. Macron on Wednesday announced a new French €2bn ($2.15bn) military aid package for Ukraine, with Paris ready to rapidly ship existing hardware from its stocks.
There remained no clearly defined or mutually agreed ceasefire covering any aspect of the Russia-Ukraine war. Russia said that only in return for the lifting of a raft of sanctions and access to the Swift international banking system would it implement a ceasefire covering Black Sea shipping. The US said it would consider the sanctions request, while the EU suggested it would only lift sanctions in response to “the unconditional withdrawal of all Russian military forces” from Ukraine. The US secretary of state, Marco Rubio, said examining Russia’s asks and reaching a deal “won’t be simple, it’ll take some time, but at least we’re on that road and we’re talking about these things”.
Russia claimed to be observing a month-long moratorium declared by Vladimir Putin on strikes against Ukrainian energy targets; however, Russian drone and missile strikes have continued to cause blackouts and, according to Ukraine, energy sites have been hit. Despite there being no actual ceasefire, Russia has accused Ukraine of committing breaches, including by targeting gas storage in Crimea – actually Ukrainian territory – which Ukraine denied; while Zelenskyy says Russia has proven by its continued attacks on Ukraine that it does not truly want peace.
Four people were reported killed and six injured across Ukraine overnight into Wednesday, writes Pjotr Sauer, while the Ukrainian air force said it shot down 56 of 117 incoming drones and another 48 were decoys that caused no damage.
Late on Wednesday, Russian forces launched a mass drone attack on Kharkiv, Ukraine’s second-largest city, injuring nine people, causing considerable damage and starting four fires in the city centre, officials said. The Kharkiv mayor, Ihor Terekhov, said there had been at least 12 drone strikes. A drone attack also triggered fires in the central city of Dnipro, said the regional governor, Serhiy Lysak.
North Korea has sent 3,000 more troops to Russia so far this year and continues to supply missiles, artillery and ammunition, according to South Korea’s military joint chiefs of staff. Of the initial 11,000 soldiers sent in 2024, 4,000 were believed to have been killed or wounded.
Russia convicted 23 captured Ukrainians on terrorism charges in a military trial that Kyiv denounced as a sham and a violation of international law. The defendants included 14 current or former fighters of the Azov brigade, and nine women and one man who worked as cooks or support personnel, according to Russian media reports and human rights defenders. They were given sentences ranging from 13 to 23 years in prison. Ukraine’s human rights ombudsman, Dmytro Lubinets, called the verdicts “illegal”, adding: “Ukrainian prisoners of war are combatants, not criminals! They were fulfilling their duty to the state, protecting its territorial integrity and sovereignty.”
Source: The Guardian
Russia and Ukraine have agreed to “eliminate the use of force” in the Black Sea after parallel talks with US negotiators in Saudi Arabia, though the Kremlin said a maritime ceasefire would start only if it received sanctions relief on agricultural exports.
Donald Trump said that the US was reviewing the Russian conditions after the Kremlin insisted it had negotiated concessions with the White House that would mark the first major recision of sanctions since the full-scale invasion of 2022.
The warring parties also agreed to implement a previously announced 30-day halt on attacks against energy networks and to expand its scope, but resolving fundamental issues, including any division of territory, remains far off.
Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, welcomed the developments but said Kyiv did not support weakening sanctions on Russia and voiced concern over talks the US appeared to be having with the Kremlin about a partition of Ukraine.
Ukrainian negotiators in the Saudi capital, Riyadh, had had no discussions of their own about the future division of territory, Zelenskyy added, saying it appeared that the US had tal According to reports, Russia has told the US it wants full control of three of the Ukrainian regions it partially occupies: Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson.
The claims have been consistently rejected by Kyiv, which has only indicated it is prepared to acknowledge the existing de facto Russian occupation along the prevailing lines of control.
Trump stopped short of confirming that the US was granting sanctions relief, however, and said that the Kremlin conditions were still under review.
Russia also said it wanted port service restrictions and sanctions on Russian-flagged vessels involved in the trade of food products, including seafood and fertilisers, to be lifted.
Ukraine said it expected Russia to stop bombing port facilities in Odesa and elsewhere as part of a maritime truce. However, a separate statement, released by its defence ministry, said Ukraine would consider “the movement of Russian military vessels beyond the eastern front.”
It would initially be self-policed, Ukraine said, although both sides agreed that other countries could become involved in monitoring and safeguarding it. Zelenskyy acknowledged that “we have no faith in the Russians” but said that despite this Kyiv intended to be constructive in its efforts to end the war.
Source: The Guardian
The suspension of BHA/USAID funding has severely impacted humanitarian services provided by Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in Ukraine, with WASH, food, health, and education programs reduced by one-third on average. Key oblasts such as Khersonska, Kharkivska, and Odeska are most affected, putting vulnerable populations at increased risk.
Nearly one-third of CSOs have reduced their workforce, with 85% of affected organizations cutting paid staff and expecting to lay off 34% of employees on average. Operational disruptions, including fuel shortages and facility closures, are further limiting service delivery.
Despite financial challenges, 40% of CSOs plan to continue operating on a volunteer basis, while 42% will rely partly on volunteers. Meanwhile, 61% of CSOs are actively seeking alternative funding, but many risk closure without urgent support.
Source: REACH
European leaders agree now ‘not the time’ to lift sanctions against Russia
European leaders have affirmed their support for Ukraine at a Paris summit and agreed now was “not the time” to lift sanctions against Russia, but with splits remaining on Franco-British plans for a “reassurance force” to help guarantee an eventual ceasefire.
France’s president, Emmanuel Macron, said on Thursday the meeting of more than two dozen heads of state and government had agreed unanimously that sanctions on Moscow should not be eased until “peace has clearly been established” in Ukraine.
The third meeting of what France and the UK have called the “coalition of the willing” for Ukraine was called amid widespread concern that Donald Trump may be open to rolling back some sanctions in order to get Russia to agree to a partial ceasefire deal.
The British prime minister, Keir Starmer, said there was “complete clarity” on the importance of not lifting sanctions, with leaders “on the contrary” discussing how sanctions could be increased “to support the US initiative to bring Russia to the table” with further pressure.
Starmer told reporters at the British embassy after the summit: “It means increasing the economic pressure on Russia, accelerating new tougher sanctions bearing down on Russia’s energy revenues and working together to make this pressure count.”
He added that he did not believe Vladimir Putin was negotiating in good faith. Starmer said: “It’s clear the Russians are filibustering. They are playing games and then playing for time. It is a classic from the Putin playbook.”
Putin last night suggested Ukraine could be placed under a form of temporary administration to allow for new elections and the signature of key accords with the aim of reaching a settlement, Russian news agencies reported.
In a separate briefing, the German chancellor, Olaf Scholz, said lifting sanctions on Russia would be a grave mistake and “makes no sense” as long as peace had “not actually been achieved – and unfortunately we are still a long way from that”.
Zelenskyy added after the summit that he felt the US should respond to what he called Moscow’s violation of a commitment not to strike Ukrainian energy targets. “I think there should be a reaction from the US,” he said.
The meeting sought to define the security guarantees the European and other allies could offer Ukraine once a ceasefire was agreed to end the three-year-old war – including the possible deployment of military forces by some of its members.
Facing political and logistical constraints and possible Russian and US resistance, coalition members are far from agreed on the latter option. Anglo-French plans for a post-truce “reassurance force” had not won universal backing, Macron said.
The force was “a British-French proposition, desired by Ukraine”, he said, adding: “It does not have unanimity, but we do not need unanimity to do this.” Nonetheless, an Anglo-French delegation would soon travel to Ukraine to discuss needs, he said.
The French president said “several” of Ukraine’s European allies were prepared to deploy to Ukraine, but some did not “have the necessary capacity” and others were reluctant to put troops on the ground due to the “political context”.
Italy’s prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, repeated Rome’s refusal to send troops to defend any ceasefire deal, adding that it was “important to continue working with the US” and she hoped a US delegation would attend the next coalition meeting.
Macron said the reassurance force, stationed away from the frontline but offering strategic support, could form part of a security guarantee that also included more support for the Ukrainian army and a broader push to rearm by coalition members.
Starmer confirmed that French, British and also German army chiefs would travel to Kyiv to help with planning support for Ukraine’s army, with a new Ukraine defence contact group to meet “to marshal more military aid and keep Ukraine in the fight”.
Zelenskyy said there were “many questions” and “few answers” on the possible deployment of European troops and “the actions of this contingent, its responsibilities – what it can do, how it can be used, who will be in charge of it”.
Starmer said the Paris meeting had made progress “in terms of numbers and intent”, but could not say how many countries were willing to deploy troops to Ukraine, nor whether he was any closer in securing support for such an idea from Washington.
Source: The Guardian
Trusting in the mercy of God the Father, we continue to pray for peace: in martyred Ukraine, in Palestine, Israel, Lebanon, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Myanmar, which is also suffering so much because of the earthquake.
Confidando nella misericordia di Dio Padre, continuiamo a pregare per la pace: nella martoriata Ucraina, in Palestina, Israele, Libano, Repubblica Democratica del Congo e Myanmar, che soffre tanto anche per il terremoto.
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Because of the aggression of the Russian Federation over the last eleven years, Victoria had to start her business from scratch twice. A talented and creative 22-year-old tailor, she evacuated from Donetsk in 2014 and settled in Dobropillia town in Pokrovsk region of Donetsk oblast. In Dobropilla she developed her small business again.
Support for Viktoria’s business came from ELIS project “Emergency Livelihoods Assistance to War- Affected Communities in Ukraine”. The project provided thread organizers, a slicing table, equipment for summer fairs, and a new space that created possibility and inspiration for further development. Viktoria founded her own brand of embroidered clothing called Leliy.ua and in the future, she plans to provide jobs to other women. (Courtesy of Caritas Poland)